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THE 

PROCEEDINGS 



OF A 



Convention of Delegates^ 

FROM THE STATES OF 

^lASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT, 

AND RHODE-ISLAND ; 
tHE COUNTIES OF CHESHIRE AND 

GRAFTON, 

jy THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE t 

AND THE 

COUNTY OF WINDHAM, 

IN THE STATE OF VERMONT ,— 



CONVENED AT 



HARTFOItD, 



IN THE 



^0 



' ^% STATE OF CONNECTICUT, 




S DECEMBER 15th, 1814. 






HARTFORD: j 
JPRINTED FOR ANDRUS AND STARR* 
1815. 



1 



sn 






BEPORT, &c. 



THE Delegates from the Legislatures of the States of 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, and 
from the Counlies of Grafton and Cheshire in the 
State of New-Hampshire and the County of Wind- 
ham in the State of Vermont, assembled in Conven- 
tion, beg leave to report the following result of their 
conference. 

JL HE Convention ds -deeply uTijoressctl with a sense of 
the arduous nature of the commission which they were appoint- 
«d to execute, of devising the means of defence against dan- 
gers, and of relief from oppressions proceeding from the act 
of their own Government, without vioUiting constitutional prin 
eiples, or disappointin^g the hopes of a suffering and injured 
people. To prescribe patience and firmness to those who are 
already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them to 
despair, and the progress towards reform by the regular road, 
is irksome to those whose imaginations discern, and whose 
feelings prompt, to a shorter course. — But when abuses, re- 
duced to system and accumulated through a course of years 
have pervaded every department of Government, and spread 
corruption through every region of the State ; when these are 
clothed with the forms of law, and enforced by an Executive 
whose will is their source, no summary means of relief can be 
applied without recourse to direct and open resistance. This 
experiment, even when justiiiable, cannot fail to be painful to 
the good citizen ; and the success of the elTort will be no se- 
curity against the danger of the example. Precedents of re- 
sistance to the worst administration, are eagerly seized by 



those who are naturally hostile to the best. Necessity alone 
can sanction a resort to this measure ; and it should never he 
extended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, until the 
people, not merely in the fervour of sudden excitement, but 
after full delibepation, are determined to change the Constitu- 
tion. 

It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails tQ 
no inconsiderable extent, that Administration have g-ivcn such 
constructions to that instrument, and practised so many abu- 
ses under colour of its authority, that the time for a change is 
at hand. Those who so believe, regard the evils which sur- 
round them as intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitu- 
tion. They yield to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, 
or on any occasion, can aggravate the misery of their country. 
This opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But as the 
evidence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, and as mea-. 
sures adopted upon the assumption of its certainty might be 
irrevocable, some general considerations are submitted, in 
the hope of reconciling all to a ccurse of moderation and firm- 
ness, which may save them from the regret incident to sudden 
decisions, probably avert the evil, or at least insure consola- 
tion and success in the last resort. 

The Constitution of the United States, under the auspices 
of a wise and virtuous Administration, proved itself compe- 
tent to all the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in 
the views of its framers. No parallel can be found in history, 
of a transition so rapid as that of the United States from the 
lowest depression to the highest felicity— from the condition of 
weak and disjointed republics, to that of a great, united, and 
prosperous nation. 

Although this high state of public happiness has under- 
gone a miserable and afflicting reverse, through the prevalence 
of a weak and profligate policy, yet the evils and affiiclicns 
which have thus been induced upon the country, are not 
peculiar to any form of Government. The lust and caprice 
of power, tjie corruption of patronage, the oppression of 
the weaker interests of the community by the strongerj 



heavy taxes, Avasteful expenditures, rind unjust sr.d ruinous 
wars, are the natural oHsprin^ of bad Administrations, in all 
ages and coqntries. It was indeed to be hoped, that the rulers 
of these States would not make such disastrous haste to in- 
volve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and rotten 
institutions. Yet all this have they done ; and their conduct 
calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But to attempt 
upon every abuse of power to change the Constitution, would 
be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. 

Again, the experiment of the powers of the Constitution, 
to regain its vigour, and of the people to recover fr<mi their 
delusions, has been hitherto niade under the greatest possible 
disadvantages arising from the state of the world. TIic fierce 
passions which have convulsed the nations of Europe, have 
passed the Ocean, and finding their way to the bosoms of our 
citizens, have afforded to A^dmiuistration the means of perverting 
public opinion, in respect to our foreign relations, so as to ac- 
quire its aid in the indqigence of their animosities, and the inr 
crease of their adherents. Further, a reforniaticn of public 
opinion, resulting from dear bought experience, in the South- 
ern Atlantic States, at least, is not to be despaired of. Th'.y 
will have felt, that the Eastern States cannot be made exclu- 
sively the victims of a capricious and impassioned policy.—-. 
They will have seen that the great, and essential interests of 
the people, are common to the South and to the East. They 
will realize the fatal errors of a system, which seeks revenge 
for commercial injuries in the sacrifice of commerce, and ag- 
gravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable extent, the in- 
juries it professes to redress. They may discard the infiuencc 
of visionary theorists, and recognize the bench Ls of a practical 
policy. Indications of this desirable rovolulion of cpir.ion, 
among our brethren in those States, are already manifested. — 
While a hope remains of its ultimate completion, its progress 
should not be retarded or stopped, by exciting fears which 
must check these favourable tendencies, and frustrate the ef- 
forts of the wisest and best men in those States, to accelerate 
^his propitious change. 



Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason 
©f the multiplied abuses of bud administrations, it should, if 
possible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate con- 
sent Some new form of confederacy should be substituted 

among those States, which shall intend to maintain a federal 
relation to each other. — Events may prove that the causes of 
our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be found 
to proceed, not merely from the blindness of prejudice, pride of 
opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times; 
but they may be traced to implacable combinations of indivi- 
duals, or of States, to monopolize power and office, and to 
trample without remorse upon the rights and interests of 
commercial sections of the Union. Whenever it shall ap- 
pear that these causes are radical and permanent, a separa- 
tion by equitable ai'rangcment, will be preferable to an alliance 
by constraint, ainong nominal friends, but real enemies, in- 
flamed by mutual hatred and jealousy, and inviting by intes- 
tine divisions, contempt, and aggression from abroad. But a 
severance of the Union by one or more States, against the will 
of the rest, and especially in a time of war, can be justified 
only by absolute necessity. These are among the principal 
objections against precipitate measures tending to disunite 
the States, and when examined in connection with the fare- 
well address of the Father of his country, they must, it is 
believed, be deemed conclusive. 

Under these impr»ssions, the Convention have proceed- 
ed to confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of public 
affairs, especially, as affecting the interests of the people who 
have appointed them for this purpose, and they are naturally 
led to a consideration, m the first place, of the dangers and 
grievances which menace an immediate or speedy pressure, 
with a view of suggesting means of present relief; in the 
next place, of such as are of a more remote and general de- 
scription, in the hope of attaining future security. 

Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension, which 
might be comprised under the former of these propo- 
sitpns, the attention of the Convention has keen occupied 



•with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the auihoriij.- 
exercised over the militia, by the executive and legislative 
departments of the National Government. Also, upon the. 
destitution of the means of defence in \vhich the Eastern 
States arc left ; v.'hilc at the same time they arc doomed to 
heavy requisitions of men and money for national objects. 
The authority of the National Government over the militia 
is derived from those clauses in the Constitution which give 
power to Congress " to provide for calling forth the militia to 
•xecute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and re- 
pel invasions" — Also " to provide for organizing, arming and 
disciplining the militia, and for governing such parts of them 
as may be employed in the service of the United States, re- 
serving to the States respectively the appointment of the offi- 
cers, and the authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress." Again, " The President 
shall be Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the Unit- 
ed States, and of the militia of the several States, ivheri called in- 
to the actual service of the United States." In these specified ca- 
ses only, has the National Government any power over the mili- 
tia ; and it follows conclusively that for all general and ordinary 
purposes, this power belongs to the States respectively, and to 
them alone. It is not only with regret, but with astonishment, 
the Convention perceive that under colour of an authority 
conferred with such plain and precise limitations, a power is 
arrogated by the executive government, and in some instances 
sanctioned by the two Houses of Congress, of controul over the 
militia, which if conceded, will render nugatory the rightful 
authority of the individual States over that class of men, and 
by placing at the disposal of the National Government the 
lives and services of the great body of the people, enable it at 
pleasure to destroy their liberties, and erect a military despo- 
tism on the ruins. 

An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the 
basis of these extravagiint pretensl'v.s, of the consequences to 
which they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their 
adinisslon, would transcend the limits of this Report. A few 



genehil observations, with an exhi!:.Lon of the character oi" 
these pretensions, and a recommendation of a strenuous op-^ 
position to them, must not however he omitted. 

It will not be contended that by the terms used in the con- 
stitutional compact, the power of the National Government 
to call out the militia is other than a power expressly limited 
to three cases. One of these must exist as a condition prece- 
dent to the exercise of that power— Unless the laws shall be 
oppbsed, or an insurrection shall exist, or an invasion shall be 
made, Congress, and of consequence the President as their 
organ, has no more power over the militia than over the ar- 
mies of a foreign nation. 

But if the declaration of the President should be admitted 
to be an unerring test of the existence of these cases, this im- 
portant power would depend, not upon the trtith of the fact, 
but upon executive infallibility. And the limitation of the 
power would consequently be nothing more than merely no- 
minal, as it mighf always be eluded. It follows therefore that 
the decision of the President in this particular cannot be con- 
tlusive. It is as nuich the duty of the State authorities to 
watch over the rights reserved, as of the United States to ex- 
ercise the powers Vvhich are delegated. 

The arrangement of the United States into military districts, 
with a snuill portion of the regular force, under an officer of 
high rank of the standing army, with power to call for the mi- 
litia, as circumstances in his judgment may require ; and to 
assume the command of them, is not warranted by the Consti- 
tution or any law of the United States, It is not denied that 
Congress may delegate to the President of the United States 
the power to call forth the militia in the cases which are with- 
in their jurisdiction — But he has no authority to substitute 
military prefects throughout the Union, to use their own dis- 
cretion in buch instances. To station an officer of the army in 
a military district without troops corresponding to his rank, 
for the purpose of taking command of the militia that maybe 
called into service, is a manifest evasion of that provision of 
the Constitution which expressly reserves to the States the 



91 

tkppoiBlment of the officers of the militia ; and the object of 
detaching such officer cannot be well conceived to be any oth- 
er than that of superseding the Governour or other officers of 
the militia in their right to command. 

The power of dividing the militia of the States into classes 
and obliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able 
bodied men, to serve for one or more years for the defence of 
the frontier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft 
the militia for one year for such general object be admissible, 
no limitation can be assigned to it, but the discretion of those 
who make the law. Thus with a power in Congress to autho- 
rize such a draft or conscription, and in the Executive to de- 
cide conclusively upon the existence and continuance of the 
emergency, the whole militia may be converted into a standing 
-army disposable at the will of the President of the United 
States. 

The power of compelling the militia and other citizens 
•f the United States by a forcible draft or conscription to 
serve in the regular armies as proposed in a late official letter 
of the Secretary of War, is not delegated to Congress by the 
Constitution, and the exercise of it would be not less danger- 
ous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty of the 
States. The effort to deduce this power from the right of 
raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to pervert the sense of the 
clause in the Constitution which confers that right, and is in- 
compaiible with other provisions in that instrument. The ar- 
mies of the United States have always been i-aised by contract, 
never by conscription, and nothing more can be wanting to a 
Government possessing the poAver thus claimed to enable it to 
usurp the entire controul of the militia, in derogation of the 
authority of the State, and to convert it by impressment into 
a standing army. 

It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative of 
the determination of the Executive to establiiah an absolute 
controul over all descriptions of citizens, that the right of im- 
pressing seamen into the naval service is expressly asserted 
fey the Secretary of the Navy in a late report. Thus a practice, 



16 

tvhich in a foreign government has been regarded with great 
abhorrence by the people, finds advocates among those who 
have been the loudest to condemn it. 

The law authorizing the enlistment of minors and apprenti' 
ces into the armies of the United States, without the consent 
of parents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the 
Constitution. By a construction of the power to raise 
armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only persons ca- 
pable of contracting are liable to be impressed into the army, 
but those who are under legal disabilities to make contracts, 
are to be invested with this capacity, in order to enable them 
to annul at pleasure contracts made in their behalf by legal 
guardians. Such an interference with the municipal laws and 
rights of the several States, could never have been contempla- 
ted by the framers of the Constitution. It impairs the saluta- 
ry controul and influence of the parent over his child— the 
master over his servant — .the guardian over his ward — and 
thus destroys the most important relations in society, so that . 
by the conscription of the father, and the seduction of the 
son, the power of the Executive over all the effective male 
population of the United States is made complete. 

Such are some of the odious features of the novel system 
proposed by the rulers of a free country, under the limited 
powers derived from the Constitution. What portion of them 
will be embraced in acts finally to be passed, it is yet impossi- 
ble to determine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to per- 
ceive, that these projects emanate from the highest authority, 
nor should it be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of 
War, the classification of the militia embraced the principle 
of direct taxation upon the white population only ; and that, in 
the House of Representatrves, a motion to apportion the mili- 
tia among the v/hite population exclusively, which would have 
been in its operation a direct tax, was strenuously urged and 
supported. 

In this whole series of devices and measures for raising men, 
this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, 
and a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the' 



u 

individual States a firm and decided opposition. An iron dtf$- 
potism can impose no harder servitude upon the citizen, than 
to force him from his liome and his occupation, to wage offen- 
sive wars, undertaken to gratify the pride or passions of his 
master. The example of France has recently shewn that a 
cabal of individuals assuming to act in the name of the people, 
may transform the great body of citizens into soldiers, and de- 
liver them over into the hands of a single tyrant. No war, 
not held in just abhorrence by a people, can require the aid of 
such stratagems to recruit an army. Had the troops already 
raised, and in great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of 
Canada, been employed for the defence of the country, and had 
the millions which have been squandered with shameless pro- 
fusion, been appropriated to their payment, to the protection 
of the coast, and to the naval service, there would have been 
no occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this late 
hour, let Government leave to New-England the remnant of 
her resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territo- 
ry, and to resign the glories and advantages of the border wai, 
to those who are determined to persist in its prosecution. 

That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are 
absolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, how- 
ever, consist with the respect and forbcai'ancc due from a cour 
federate State towards the General Government, to fly to open 
resistance upon every infraction of the Constitution. The 
mode and the energy of the opposition, should always conform 
to the nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the 
extent of the injury inflicted, the determination manifested to 
persist in it, and the danger of delay. But in cases of delibe- 
rate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, 
affecting the sovereignty of a State, and liberties of the people ; 
It is not only the right but the duty of such a State to inter- 
pose its authority for their protection, in the manner best cal- 
culated to secure that end. When emergencies occur which 
are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too 
pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms. States, 
whiqh have no common umpire, must be their own judges, and 



execute their own decisions. It will thus be proper for the 
several States to await the ultimate disposal of the obnoxious 
measures, recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending 
before Congress, and so to use their power according to the 
character these measures shall finally assume, as effectually to 
protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberties of 
their citizens. 

The next subject which has occupied the attention of the 
Convention, is the means of defence against the common ene- 
my. This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any ex- 
pectation can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provi- 
sion for the defence of the Eastern States will be made by the 
National Government ? Whether the several States can, from 
their own resources, provide for self-defence and fulfil the re- 
quisitions which are to be expected for the national Treasury ? 
and) generally what course, of conduct ought to be adopted by 
those States, in relation to the great object of defence ? 

Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes of 
the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially announced, that 
to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, and to hold 
it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Adminis- 
tration. This enterprize, commenced at a period when Gov- 
ernment possessed the advantage of selecting the time and oc- 
casion for making a sudden descent upon an unprepared ene- 
my, now languishes in the third year of the war. It has been 
prosecuted with various fortune, and occasional brilliancy of 
exploit, but without any solid acquisition. The British armies 
have been recruited by veteran regiments. Their navy com- 
mands Ontario. The American ranks are thinned by the casu- 
alties of war. Recruits are discouraged by the unpopular 
character of the contest, and by the uncertainty of receiving 
their pay. 

In the prosecution of this favourite warfare. Administra- 
tion have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the country 
destitute of all efficient means of defence. The main body of the 
regular army has been marched to the frontier. — The navy has 
been stripped of a great part of its sailors for the service of the 



1^ 

Lakes. Meanwhile the enemy scours the sea-coast, blockades 
our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual descents 
in various and distant places, holds some by force, and threatens 
all that are assailable, with fire and sword. The sea-board of four 
of the New-England States, followinij; its curvatures, presents 
an extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied 
by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, ex- 
posing a mass of people and property to the devastation of the 
enemy, which bears a great proportion to the residue of the 
maritime frontier of the United States. This extensive shore 
has been exposed to frequent attacks, repeated contributions, 
and constant alarms. The regular forces detached by the na- 
tional Government for its defence, are mere pretexts for 
placing officers of high rank in command. They are besides 
confined to a few places, and are too insignificant in number to 
be included in any computation. 

These States have thus been left to adopt measures for their 
own defence. The militia have been constaniy kept on the alert, 
and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the 
expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- 
bursement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. 
The President of the United States has refused to consider the 
expense of the militia detached by State authority, for the indis- 
pensable defence of the State, as chargeable to the Union, on the 
ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them 
underthe command of officers of the regular army. Detachments 
of militia placed at the disposal of the General Government, have 
been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper. 
The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened by the 
promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From authen- 
tic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose incli- 
nation might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the 
Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and 
Its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of the finances, 
that those who feel for the honour and safety of the coun- 
try, would be willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if 
those whose infatuation has produced this state of fiscal con- 



14 

cerns, had not found themselves compelled to unveil it to pub-^ 
lie view. 

If the war be continued, there appears no room for re^ 
liance upon the national government for the supply of those 
means of defence, which must become indispensable to secure 
these States from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that 
the States can discharge this sacred duty from their own re- 
sources, and continue to sustain the burden of the national 
taxes. The Administration, after a long perseverance in plans 
to baffle every effort of commercial enterprizc, had fatally 
succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war. Com- 
jnercc, the vital spring of New-England's prosperity, was an- 
nihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the rapacity of I'e ve- 
nue officers, had completed its destruction. The various ob- 
jects for the employment of productive labour, in the branch- 
es of business dependent on commerce, have disappeared. 
The fisheries have shared its fate. Manufactures, which 
Government has professed an intention to favour and to che- 
rish, as an indemnity for the failure of these branches of busi- 
ness, are doomed to struggle in their infancy with taxes and ob-r 
structions, which cannot fail most seriously to affect their growth^ 
The specie is withdrawn from circulation. The landed in- 
terest, the last to feel these burdens, must prepare to become 
their principal support, as all other sources of revenue must 
be exhausted. Under these circumstances, taxes, of a de- 
scription and amount unprecedented in this country, are in a 
train of imposition, the burden of which must fall with the 
heaviest pressure upon the States east of the Potowmac. 
The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, cannot be es- 
timated at less than five millions of dollars upon the New-Eng- 
land States, and the expenses of the last year for defence, in 
Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of dollars. 

From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- 
sistible inference that these States have no capacity of defray- 
ing the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the 
same time, of discharging the demands of the national trda- 
Bury. 



15 

The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be adopt- 
ed by the aggrieved States, is in a high degree momentous. 
When a great and brave people shall feel themselves desert- 
ed by their Government, and i-educed to the necessity cither 
of submission to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their 
own use, those means of defence which are indispensable to 
self-preservation, they cannot consent to wait passive specta- 
tors of approaching ruin, which it is in their power to avert 
and to resign the lastrtmnant of their industrious earnings, to 
be dissipated in support of measures destructive of the best 
interests of the nation. 

This Convention will not trust themselves to express 
their conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state 
of things inevitably tends. Conscious of their high re- 
sponsibility to God and their country, solicitous for the conti- 
nuance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the States, 
unwilling to furnish obstacles to peace — resolute never to 
submit to a foreign enemy, and confiding in the Divine care 
and protection, they will, until the last hope shall be extin- 
guished, endeavour to avert such consequences. 

With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at 
once be consistent with the honour and interest of the Nation- 
al Government, and the security of these States. This it will 
not be difficnlt to conclude, if that government should be so 
disposed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed to 
assume their own defence, by the militia or other troops. A 
reasonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each State 
might be paid into its treasury, and credited to the United 
States, but to be appropriated to the defence of such State, to 
be accounted for with the United States. No doubt is enter- 
tained that by such an arrangement, this portion of the country 
could be defended with greater effect, and in a mode more 
consistent with economy, and the public convenience, than 
any which has been practised. 

Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress 
by the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should 
peace upon just terms appear to be unattainable, the pcoplf^ 



■vvould Stand tog-ether fox- the coniinon defence, until &. change of 
Adminislration,or of disposition in the enemy, should facilitate 
the occurrence of that auspicious event. It would be iuexpe- 
dient for this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful 
issue to such an application, by recommending, upon supposi- 
tion of a contrary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it in-* 
deed within their province. In a state of things so solemn and 
trying as may then arise, the Legislatures of the States, or Con- 
ventions of the whole people, or delegates appointed by them 
for the express purpose in another. Convention, must act as 
such urgent circumstances may then require. 

But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have 
been performed, without exhibiting some general view of 
such measures as they deem essential to secure the nation 
against a relapse into difficulties and dangers, should they, by 
the blessing of Providence, escape from their present condi- 
tion, without absolute ruin. To this end a concise retrospect 
of the state of this nation under the advantages of a Avise Ad- 
ministration, contrasted Avith the miserable abyss into which 
it is plunged by the profligacy and folly of political theorists, 
Avill lead to some practical conclusions. On this subject, it 
will be recollected, that the immediate influence of the Fede- 
ral Constitution upon its first adoption, and for twelve suc- 
ceeding years, upon the prosperity and happiness of the na- 
tion, seemed to countenance a belief in the transcendency of 
its perfection over all other human institutions. In the cata- 
logue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the most fa- 
youred nations, none could be enumerated from which our 
country was excluded — A free Constitution, admudstered by 
great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes 
of liberty and independence — The progress of agriculture was 
stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest — and com- 
merce, after traversing every sea, returned with the riches of 
every clime. — A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, col- 
lected without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melt- 
ed away the national debt ; and the chief concern of the 
public creditor arose from its too rapid diminution. — The wars 



It 

iMid Commotions of* the European nations* and the interrup- 
tions of their commercial intercourse afforded to those who hixd 
not promoted, but wlio would have rejoiced to alleviate their 
calamities, a fair and c^olden opportunity, by combining them- 
selves to lay a broad foundation for national wealth. — AI- 
thoui^h occasional vexations to commerce, arose from the fu- 
rious collisions of the powers at war, yet the great and good 
men of that time conformed to the force of circumstances 
which they could not controul, and preserved their country in 
security from the tempests which overwhelmed the oldwoild, 
and threw' the wreck of their fortunes on these shores. — Re- 
spect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws made by honoured 
legislators, and piompt obedience yielded by a contented peo- 
ple, had silenced the enemies of republican institutions. — The 
arts flourished — the sciences were cultivated — the comforts 
and conveniences of life were universally difi^used — and no- 
thing remained for succeeding administrations, but to reap 
the advantages, and cherish the resources, flowing from the 
policy of their predecessors. 

But no sooner was a new administration established in the 
hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy, than 
a fixed determination was perceived and avowed of changing 
a system wliich had already produced these substantial fruits. 
The consequences of this change, for a few years after its 
commencement, were not suflicient to counteract the prodi- 
gious impulse towards prosperity, which had been given to the 
nation. But a steady perseverance in the new plans of admin- 
istration, at length developed their weakness and deformity, 
but not until a majority of the people had been deceived by- 
flattery, and inflamed by passion, into blindness to their defects. 
Under the withering influence of this new system, the declen- 
sion of the nation has been uniforni and rapid. The richest 
advantages for securing the great objects of the Constitution 
have been wantonly rejected. While Europe reposes from 
the convulsions that had shaken down her ancient institutions, 
she beholds with amazement this remote country, once so 



-/ 



18 

itappy and so envied, involved in a ruinous war, and excluded 
from intercourse with the vest of the -world. 

To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal re- 
verse has been effected, would require a voluminous discus- 
s.ion. Nothing more can be attempted in tiiis Report, than a 
general allusion to the principal outlines of the policy which 
has produced this vicissitude. Among these may be enume- 
rated 

First. — A deliberate and extensive system for effecting a 

combination among certain States, by exciting local jealousies 
and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in one section 
of the Union, the controul of public affairs in perpetual suc- 
cession. To which primary object most other characteristics 
of the system may be reconciled. 

Secondly.— .'L^he political intolerance displayed and avowed, 
in excluding from office men of unexceptionable mex-it, for 
want of adherence to the executive creed. 

Thirdly. — The infraction of the judiciary authority and 
rightB, by deprivmg judges of their offices in violation of the 
Constitution. 

Fourthly, — The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to pre- 
pare the Country for those changes to which nations are al- 
ways exposed, with a view to the acquisition of popular favour. 

Fifthly. — The inffuence of patronage in the distribution of 
offices, which in these States has been almost invariably made 
among men the least intitled to such distinction, and who have 
sold themselves as retidy instruments for distracting public 
opinion, and encouraging administration to hold in contempt 
tlie wishes and remonstrances of a people thus apparently di- 
vided. 

Sixthly. — The admission of new States into the Union, form- 
ed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the balance 
of power which existed among the original States, and deeply 
affected their interest. 

Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners, 
to places of trust, honour or profit, operating as an inducement 
to the m.alcontent subjects of the old world to come to these 



19 

Skates, in quest of executive patronage, and to repay it by an 
abject devotion to executive measures. 

Eighthly. — Hostility to Great-Brilain, and partiality to the 
late government of France, adopted as coincident with popu- 
lar prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party power. 
Connected with these must be ranked erroneous and distorted 
estimates of the powei- and ^-esources of these nations, of the 
probable results of their controversies, and of our political re- 
lations to them respectively. 

Lastly and principally. — A visionary and superficial theory 
in regard tp commerce, accompanied by a real hatred but a 
feigned regard to its interests, and a ruinous perseverance in 
efforts to render it an instrument of coercion and war. 

But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any admin- 
istration could, in so short a period, have so nearly consum- 
mated the work of national ruin, unless favoured by defects in 
the Constitution. 

To enumerate all the improvements of which that instru- 
ment IS susceptible, and to propose such amendaients as might 
render it in all respects perfect, would be a task, which this 
Convention has not thought proper to assume. — They have 
confined their attention to such as experience has demonstrat- 
ed to be essential, and even among these, some are considered 
entitled to a more serious attention than others. They are 
suggested without any intentional disrespect to other States, 
and are meant to be such as all shall find an interest in pro- 
moting. Their object is to strengthen, and it possible to per- 
petuate, the Union of the States, by removing the grounds of 
existing jealousies, and providing for a fair and equal represen- 
tation and a limitation of powers, which have been misused. 

The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment 
ofRepresentatives among the slave holding States. This cannot 
be claimed as a right. Those States are entitled to the slave 
representation, by a constitutional compact. It is therefore 
merely a subject of agreement, which should be conducted up- 
on principles of mutual interest and accomodation, and upon 
which no sensibility on either side should be permitted to ex- 



20 

ist. It has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had 
this effect been foreseen, the privilege would probaoly not have 
been demanded ; certainly not conceded. Its tendency in fu- 
ture will be adverse to that harmony and rsutual confidence, 
which are more conducive to the happiness and prosperity of 
every confederated State, than a mere preponderance of pow- 
er, the prolific source of jealousies and controversy, can be to 
any one of them. The time may therefore arrive, when a sense 
of magnanimity and justice aviII reconcile those States to ac- 
quiesce in a revision of this article, especially as a fair equiva- 
lent would result to them in the apportionment of taxes. 
1^ The next amendment relates to the admission of rtw 
States into the union. 
^,/ This aniendment is deemed to be highly important, and ia 

fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to re- 
cognize the right of Congress to admit new States without the 
original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertain- 
ed of disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted 
into the union. The object is merely to restrain the constitu- 
tional power of Congress in admitting new States. At the 
adoption of the Constitution, a certain balance of power among^ 
the original parties was considered to exist, and there was at 
that time, and yet is among those parties, a strong affinity be- 
tween their great and general interests."— By the admission of 
these States that balance has been materially affected, and unless 
the practice be modified, must ultimately be destroyed. The 
Southern States will first avail themselves of their nev/ con- 
federates to govern the East, and finally the Western States 
multiplied in number, and augmented in population, will con- 
troul the interests of the Avhole. Thus for the sake of present 
power, the Southern States will be common sufferers with the 
East, in the loss of permanent advantages. None of the old 
States can find an interest in creating prematurely an over- 
•whelming Western influence, v/hich may hereafter discern (as 
it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and 
commercial restrictions •/ 



21 

The next amendments proposed by the Convention, relate 
vo the powers of Congress, in relation to Embargo and the 
interdiction of commerce. 

Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce, have hi- 
therto divided the opmions of statesmen, experience has at 
last shewn that it is a vital interest in the United States, and 
that its success is essential to the encouragement of agricul- 
ture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances, defence, 
and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never interfere 
with the other great interests of the State, but must promote 
and uphold them. Still those who are imn ediately concern- 
ed in the prosecution of commerce, will of necessity be al- 
ways a minority of the nation. They are, however, best qua- 
lified to manage and direct its course by the advantages of ex- 
perience, and the sense of interest. But they are entirely un- 
able to protect themselves against the sudden and injudicious 
decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive 
projects of those who are not actively concerned in its pur- 
suits. Of consequence, this interest is always exposed to be 
harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed, upon pretence 
of securing other interests. Had the merchants of this na- 
tion been permitted, by their own government, to pursue an 
innocent and lawful commerce, how diffei-ent would have been 
the state of the treasury and of public credit I How short- 
sighted and miserable is the policy which has annihilated this 
order of men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, 
their capital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be 
alienated from the Government which was formed to protect 
them 1 What security for an ample and unfailing revenue 
can ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized 
in the good faith, punctuality, and sense of honour, which at- 
tached the mercantile class to the interests of the Govern- 
ment ! Without commerce, where can be found the aliment 
for a navy ; and without a navy, what is to constitute the de- 
fence, and ornament, and glory of this nation I No union c^n 
be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not 
find itself reasonably secured against the encroachment and 



2^ 

combinations of other interests. When, therefore, the past sys- 
tem of emlargoet. and commercial restrictions shall have been 
reviewed — w.xn the fluctuation and inconsistency of public 
measures, betraying a want of information as well as feeling 
in the majority, shall have been considered, the reasonable- 
ness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare majority, 
to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. 

The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of mak- 
ing offensive war. In the consideration of this amendment, 
it is not necessary to inquire iiito tbe justice of the present 
war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to its expedi- 
ency, and regret for its declaration is nearly universal. No in- 
demnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity, and its 
only palliation must be found in obstacles to its future recur- 
rence. Rarely can the state of this country call for or justify 
offensive war. The genius of our institutions is tmfavourable 
to its successful prosecution ; the felicity of our situation 
exempts us from its npccssity.— In this case, as in the former, 
those more immediately exposed to its fatal effects are a minor- 
ity of the nation. The commercial towns, the shores of our 
seas and rivers, contain the population, whose vital interests 
are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy. Agriculture, in- 
deed, must feel at last, but this appeal to its sensibility comes 
too iate. Again, the immense population which has swarm- 
ed into the West, remote from immediate danger, and which 
is constantly augmenting, will not be averse from the occa- 
sional disturbances of the Atlantic States. Thus interest may 
not unfrequently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge 
the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a mili- 
tary, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These con- 
siderations which it would be easy to augment, call loudly for 
the limitation proposed in the amendment. 

Another amendment, subordinate in importance, hut still in 
a high df gree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreign- 
«rs, hereafter arriving in the United States, from tiie capacity 
of holding offices of trust, honour or profit. 



23 

That the stock of population already in these States, is am- 
-jjly sufficient to render this nation in due time sufiiciently 
great and powerful, is not a controvertible question — Nor will 
it be seiiously pretended, that the national deficiency in wis- 
dom, arts, science, a;ms or virtue, needs to be rtpKnishcd 
from foreisjn countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy 
should offer the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settle- 
ment, to those who are disposed to visit the country. — But 
"vvhy admit to a participation in the government aliens who 
■were no parties to the compact — who are ignorant of the na- 
ture of our institutions, and have no stake in the welfare of 
the country, but what is recent and transitory ? It is surely a 
privilege sufficient, to admit them after due probation to be- 
come citizens, for all but p<)litical purposes. — To extend it be- 
yond these limits, is to encourage foreigners to come to these 
states as candidates for preferment. The Convention forbear 
to express their opinion upon the inauspicious effects which 
have already resulted to the honour and peace of this nationv 
from this misplaced and indiscriminate liberality. 

The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of 
President, to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility 
from the same State two terms in succession. 

Upon this topic, it is superfluous to dilate. The love of- 
power is a principle in the human heart which too often im- 
pels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its dura- 
tion. The office of President has charms and attractions 
which operate as powerful incentives to this passion. Thr 
first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is directed 
towards the security of a new election. The interest of the 
country, the welfare of the people, even honest fame and re- 
spect for the opinion of posterity^ arc secondary considera- 
tions. All the engines of intrigue; all the means of corrup- 
tion, are likely to be employed for this object. A President 
whose political career is limited to a single election, may find 
no other interest than will be promoted by making it glorious 
to himself, and beneficial to his country. But the hope of re- 
election IS prolific of temptations, under which these magna- 



24i 

nimous motives are deprived of their principal force. Tise 
repeated election of the President of the United States front 
any one State, affords inducements and means for intrigue,/ 
which tend to create an undue local influence,and to establish the 
dommation of particular States. The justice, therefore, of 
securing to every State a fair and equal chance for the election 
of this officer from its own citizens is apparent, and this object 
will be essentially promoted by preventing an election from 
the same State twice in succession. 

Such is the general view which this Convention has thought 
proper to submit, of the situation of these States, of their datj- 
gers and their duties. Most of the subjects which it embraccB 
have separately received an ample and luminous investigation, 
by the great and able assertors of the rights of their Country, 
in the National Legislature ; and nothing more could be at- 
tempted on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, 
and of recommendations, suited to the present state of public af- 
fairs. The peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even 
this undertakmg, will be appteciatedby all who think serious- 
ly upon the crisis. Negotiations for Peace, are at this hour 
supposed to be pending, the issue of which must be deeply 
interesting to all. No measures should be adopted, which 
might unfavorably affect that issue ; none which should embar- 
rass the Administration, if their professed desire for peace is 
sincere ; and none, which on supposition of their insincerity, 
should afford them pretexts for prolonging the war, or reliev- 
ing themselves from the responsibility of a dishonorable peace. 
It is also devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded 
to all friends of the country, of all parties, and in all places, to 
pause and consider the awi'ul state to v/hich pernicious coun- 
sels, and blind passions, have brought this people. The num- 
ber of those who perceive, and who are ready to retrace' errors, 
must it Vi believed be yet sufficient to redeem the nation. It 
is necessary to rally and unite them by the assurance that no 
hostility to the Constitution is meditated, and to obtain their 
aid, in placing it under guardians, who alone can save it from 
destruction. Shouk! this fortunate change be effected;, the 



25 

ho^e of happiness and honor may once more dispel the sur» 
Totinding gloom. Our nation may yet be great, our union du- 
rable. But should this prospect be Utterly hopeless, the time 
will not have been lost, which shall have ripened a general 
sentiment of the necessity of more mighty efforts to rescue 
from ruin, at least some portion of our beloved Country. 

THEREFORE RESOLVED— 

That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legisla- 
tures of the several States represented in this Convention, to 
adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to 
protect the citizens of said States from the operation and ef- 
fects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Con- 
gress of the United States, which shall contain provisions, 
subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, con- 
scriptions, or impressments, not authorised by the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

Resolved^ That it be and hereby is recommended to the 
said Legislatures, to authorize an immediate and earnest ap- 
plication to be made to the Government of the United States, 
requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the 
said States may, separately or in concert, be empowered to as- 
sume upon themselves the defence of their territory against 
the enemy ; and a reasonable portion of the taxes, collected 
within said States, may be paid into the respective treasuries 
■^ thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the balance due 
I said States, and to the future defence of the same. The 
* amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, and the 
I disbursemcnls made as aforesaid to be charged to the United 
I States. 

Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the 
Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has 
not already been done) authorizing the Governours or Com- 
manders in Chief of their militia to make dqtachnients from 
the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most conven- 
ient and conformable to iheir Constitutions, and to causa the 
same to be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in 
readiness for service; and upon the request of the Go- 
vernour of either of the other States to eniploy the whole of 
such (leiachment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the 
State, or such part thereof as may be required and can be spar- 
ed consistently with the safety of the State, in assisting the 
State, making such request to repel any invasion thereof which 
skall be made or attempted by the public ersemy. 



SB 

Scsolved, Tliat the following amendment* of the Conatitsy 
tion of the United States? be recommended to tjie States reprer- 
senteci as afofesaid, to be proposed by therp for adoptxon by 
the State Legislatures, and, in such cases as may be deemed 
expedient, by a Convention chosen by the people of each 
State. 

And k is further recomTH.ended, that th^ sa'id States $ljaU 
persevereln rfieir efforts to obtain such amendments, until the 
same shall lie effected. 

J'urst. ]Rcprjespntatiycs and direct ta?tes shajl be apportion- 
ed among thq seyeral iStates which may be included within 
this union, according to their respective numbers of free p^r- 
iirins, including thos^Q bpimd to serve for a term of j^ears and 
excluding Indians not taxedj and ^11 otljer persons. 
" "Second. No new State ^hall be admitted into the union by 
Congress in virtue of the power granted by the ponsthutipn, 
\yilhoutthe concurrence of two thirds of both Houses. 

Third. Congress shall not have power Jq 7ay any embargo 
on the ships orvessels of the citizens of the United States, ia 
tlie pprjts or harbours thereof, for more than sixty d^ys, 
'^ ypurth.- Congress shall not have power, without the con- 
currence of t>vp thirds &£■ both Houses, to interdict the com- 
mercial intercourse between the Ui)ited States undany foreign 
nation or the dependencies thereof. 

'^- £'ftJu Congress shall not make or declare war^ or author- 
ize act? of hostility .against any foreign nation without the con- 
/.currcnce of tAvp thirds of both Hovvse^, except suchacts ofhos- 
tii^ity 'l?c in defence of the territories of the United States 
^yfl^en actiially inyadcd. 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall 
b^ '.eligible a? a niember of the Senate or House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, nor capable of hoWing any civ,i.l of- 
fice under the authority of the United States. 

Serusnth. The sanje person shall iwt be elected Presidjent 
ijf the United States a second lime ; nor shall the Presideol: 
be elected from the same Slate two terms in succession. 

Resolved., That if the application of these States to the gQ- 
i:f,cnuicnt of the United States, recommended in a foi'cgoing 
SfisoJution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be 
eoHcluded, aixd the defence of these States should be neglectr 
cd, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will 
in t!ve opinion of thia Convention be expedient for the Uegisla' 
iures of the s.everal States to appoint Delegates to another Con- 
vention, to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on 
i.he third Thursday of June nest, v.ith such powers and ii> 
siriiciions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous i^ay ?P' 
«iuirc. 



Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chaxm- 
cey Goodrich, and the Hon. £)ahicl Lyriiah, 6v any two of them, 
be authorized to call another meeting of this Convention, to 
be holden in Boston, at any time bdibre new Delegates shall 
be chosen, as recommended in the above Resolution^ if in tl>eir 
judgment the •situation of tlie Country shall urgently require 
it. 



Hartford, January 4th, 1814. 

GEOftGE CABOT, 
NATHAN DANE, 
WILLIAM PRESCOTT, 
HARRISON €f. OtfS, 
TI.MOTHY BIGELOW, 
JOSHUA THOMAS. 
SAMUEL S. WiLDE, 
JOSEPH LYMAN, 
STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jb. 
DANIEL WALDO, 
HODIJAH BAYLIES. 
GEORGE BLISS, 
€BJk\JSiCE¥ fiQODBlGH, 



JAMES HIiaiHOUSE. 
JOHN TREADWELL, 
ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, 
NATftANlEL SMITH, 
CALVIN GODDARD, 
ROGER M. SHERMAN, 
PANIKL LYAIAN, 
SAMUEL WARD, 
EDWARD MANTON. 
BENJAMIN HAZARD, 
Bfi^JAMIN WEST, 
M«,LS OLCOTTf , . 
WILLIAM HA)at^ Jb 



STATEMENTS, 

PREPARED AXD PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 

CONVENTION OF DELEGATES, 

HELD AT HARTFORD, DECEMBER 15, 1814, 
AT«D FRINIED BY THEIR ORDER. 



SCHEDULE (A,) 

Shewing the ascertained expenses of the war, prior to July !, 1814. 
Military Department, or land forces, from January 1, to Sept. 30, 
1812, including about six months of peace, and three months of war, 
in that year, ,,--.. ^7,464,81480 
From Sept. 30, 1812, to Sept. 30, 1813, - 18,484,750 49 
From Sept. 30, 1813, to Dec. 31, 1813, - 6,887,747 00 

From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, - - - 11,210,238 00 

Ascertained expenses of the Land forces from } hi .„ q^-^ rcQ oq 
Jan. 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, ^ ^ ' ' 

J^fovy Defiartment, from Jan. 1, to Sept. 30, 1812, 

nbout six months of peace, and three months of war, 

the sum of . - - $ 2,638,612 95 

From Sept. 30, 1 8 1 2, to Sept. > „ -^- ^^ 

30, 1813, S ^'^^"''"' ~" 

FromSept.30, toDec.SMCl.'^, 1,248,145 10 

From Jan. 1, to July 1, ICM, 4,012,899 90 

^_ 14,320,365 IS 



Ascertained war rxpenpes to July 1, 1814, $ 67,367,916 44 

to which must be added, large sums not ascertained, 
and, also disbursements made by individual States, 
these must be more than 3,000,000 00 



g 60,367,915 44 



./Vote.. ..The Military and Naval expenses of the United States from 
January 1, 1812, to June 18, 1812, when war was declared, are in- 
cluded in the above Acroimt, wd were, partly on account of the peace 



29 

establishment, and, in part, preparations for war. So that this enor- 
mous expenditure was incurred in the Military and Naval depart- 
ments alone, in two years of small warfare, and in six montlis that 
preceded it. 

SCHEDITLE (B,) 

Shewing the receipts at the Treasury of the United States from 
January 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, including about 6 months of peace, 
and about two years of war, to wit — 

From Jan. 1, to Oct. 1, 1812, from the proceeds of the 
customs, the sales of land, &c. being tliree fourths of 
the revenue year, ^8,201,210 18 

The balance in the Treasury charged this account, 3,947,818 36 

On the 11 million loan under the act of March 14, 
1812, 5,847,212 60 

jgl7,996,241 04 
Receipts from Oct. 1, 1812, to Oct, 1, 1813, to wit— 
From the proceeds of the customs^, ^12,696,491 55 
Sales of land, - - - 830,671 53 
Other items of revenue, - 140,879 35 

- — 13,568,042 43 

On account of the 11 million loan, ^4,337,487 50 
On the 16 million loan, act Feb. 
8,1813, - - - - 14,488,125 00 

Treasury Notes issued on the act of 
June 30, 1812, - - - - 4,898,300 00 

Do. do. act Feb. 

25, 1813, ... - - - 253,000 00 

23,976,912 50 

Receipts from Oct. 1, 1813, to Jan. 
1, 1814, to wit— 

From the customs and sales of 

lands, &c. ... - ^3,678,565 00 

On the 16 million loan, - - 1,511,876 00 

• On the seven and half million loan. 3.907,335 00 

Treasury notes, - - - 3,778,700 00 

12,076,475 00 

Receipts from Jan. 1, to July 1,1814, 
to wit — 

From the proceeds tf the customs, ^4,182,088 25 
Sales of public lands, - - 540,065 68 
Internal duties and direct tax, 2,189,272 40 

Postage and incidental receipts, 166,744 CO 

$7,076,170 3.-5 



30 



Off the 7 1-1 tBillioK loarii 
aet Aug. !^> 1813, - ^j692,665 

On 10 million leafif (part 
of the 25 millions) - 6,087,01 1 



Treasury netes 
on act F^eb. 25, 

m^, - - $i,oio,m 

Do. on act 
March 24, 1814, l,3$2ylCJ6 



^&j679j676 



-2,46^,160-11,141,^76 00-19,219,^46 55 



Deduct cash in the treasury, July 1, id 14, 



87,637,617 30 



^82,914,957 98 
Deduct payments made at the trea- 
sury in the same period from Jan. J, 
1812, to July 1, 1814, to wit— 

The civil list, Indian department, &c. g4,697,872 ^ 
^ Interast and principle of tlie public 
debt, 21,101,417 72-25,807,180 04 



Lieft for war purposes in this period. 



^557,107,77'? 94, 



jVo<e....Thus while the war cost above 60 milliohs of cloflars, and- 
the land forces 46 millions of the sum, there was but a srnall Britisn 
array employed against the United States, aiid in this period, dis^^aee 
generally attended the American arms by land. 

SCHEDULE (C.5 

Shewing the great increase of the revefiaes ef the Unfted Stafis, 
from the adoption of the Con^tittition to the adoption of the restfic^rcl 
system ; and white cOffrtnerGe continued free,- afid tfeg" grGJtt dimifiu- 
tion of these revenue's sinoft that syst'eB* #a« ^sorted t»— the/ w§re 
as follow, as by TtOaStity Statements. 

Prior t& 179^, ^4,4J8,913 



In 



1792, 
1793, 
1794, 
1795, 
1796, 
1797, 
4798, 
1799, 
1800, 
1801, 
1802, 



3,661,93^ 
4,714,423 

B,964,534 

*?, 1^7,6^9 

8j4<>Sj560 

7,820,576 

•^$475,77$ 

10,777,709 

12,846,530 

13,668,223 



1863, 
1804f 
1805, 
J806, 
f&07, 

180§, 

1810, 

1811, 

9 months of 1812, 



11,064,067 
il,«28,^7 
13,560,66? ■ 
t5,959,95f > 

7j773^f3 

9,384,214 

14,423,529 

6,927,706 

§215,786,783- 



31 



j\ote....As bonds were given for tbe duties, and they usually become 
payable the next year — the duties payable in any year, were, gene- 
rally, collected on the importations of the preceding year, as the 
f 17,060,661 received in 1808 were the duties on the great importa- 
tions of 1807, a iew small sums excepted. 

^ote, a/so.. ..All these revenues arose from commerce, except 
$ 16,262,651. 

' |t will be obsen'ed that all the sources of revenue exclusive of im- 
post and tonnage duties, did not, on an average, amount to quite one 
million of dollars a year ; so that the impost and tonnage duties, the 
four years preceding the long embargo, amounted to about fifty-eight 
millions of dollars, or to ^14,500,000 a year. And if there had been 
no embargoes or restrictions on commerce these would have increased, 
at least not decreased till the war was commenced. That commenced 
four years and a half after the embargo was laid. It will be seen that 
all the revenues amounted, in four years, before the embargo, to 
jj 62,579,274, and deducting for other sources of revenue, one million 
a year. There will remain ^ 58,579,274 received from imposts and 
tonnage duties : whereas in the three year* mA 5in$ months after the 
embargo was laid, all the levenufii, as ^bwe, gmpupt^d ogly t? 
$ 38,508,922, or at the rate of $ 40,817,^50 in fowT years ; bqt ia 
these four years were included, not only the ordinary million a year, 
but the two million direct tax of 1798, and th9 new internal duties of 
those four years, whence was collected at least Two million? and a half; 
hence deduct $6, 500,QQ0 from $40,817,990 leaves, received from 
impost and tonnage duties $ 34,317,990,— g 24,261,284 ie§s than was 
received in the four years preceding the embargo ; th^t i?, above six 
million a year, or above twenty-seven million^ for the f^yr years and 
a half, tbe restriftive system existed before {the war ; hence this 
siunwas clearly lost by ^'k& system... .See ^jfbedul/e F, 

Note, cdso....Thf said $ 16,262,^5.1 n4§ mc§iv?i^ thys, — f;oin in.- 
iernal revenue, ^6,460,003; dirept tftx, 1,757,240 ; sal^ pf l^md, 
$6,161,283 0?; postage of letters Ifc. j>6f7,34j; 9iJ!5<?e)la.neous, 
$ 1,216,775. 

Therefore, it is clear that if th^re haA km^. HP restrictive system or 
war, the old 4dit of the United States, tsrQ^ld k^m beep, fesfore t]jife 
Hmc, paid, or nearly paid. 

SCHEDULE (D,) 

Shewing the state of the army of the Uoited States previous to Ju- 
ly 1, 1814. It was thus — eflfectives 27,010 ; aggregate 31,559; sta- 
tioned as follo>\'8. 



32 

In tbe first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Portland and 

Eastport, aggregate number 655 

2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 

.3 do. at New-York, 2,116 

. 4 do. at Fort Mifflin, &c. 308 

do. at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 

6 do. North and South Carolina and Georgia, 2,244 

7 do. at New Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 



Stationed on the sea board, 10,639 

8 Military District at Detroit, Sandwich, &c. 2,472 

S do. division of the right, 1 1 ,795 

at Buffaloe, Sackets harbour, &c. • 6613 

18,408 

on the Canada line 20,880 



total— 31,539 

Piecruits enlisted from January 27 1814, to September 30, 1814, as 

by the return of the Inspector General were 13,898 : 

towit— in February 1814, 980 

March „ 2,357 

April „ 2,501 

May „ 2,138 

June ,, 1,446 

July „ - 1,486 

■ August „ 1,687 

-Sept. - „ 1,304 

-13,898 

^ote.. .. An znay of 31,639, early in the year 1814, was, no doubt 
a much larger army than the United States kept up the two first years 
■•f the war ; and if properly employed, 31,000 regular troops weri 
certainly adequate to oppose any force Great Britain, in those years, 
employed against the United States— ^31,000 men, according to the es- 
timates of the war and Treasury Departnaents, should not have cost 
tnore than 12 millions a year, or 24 millions in the two years ; vt'here- 
as the land forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful man- 
nor in which the war was conducted. 

JVote, also.... vf hen it is considered the United States had on the 
1st ©f July 1814 a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 6 months, 
from February I,ta October 1, 1814, 13,898 men for what possible 
pretence can the national government have recourse to conscription, 
and nieasurv-^s destructive of the liberties of the people, to fill the ranks 
of the army, the course of enlistments amply prove, that if the army 
be well paid and supported, and according to contracts, there can be 
no occasion to resort to such violent measures. 

JVote, aiso.... of the 10,659 regular troops on ih? sea board. or)\y 
1,3G9 were stationed in Nev/-England. 



33 



SCHEDULE (E.) 

Though the ^»perations of the war in 1781 and 178S wer« §f*5% 
especiaUy i» tlie Southern Slates, yet it cost America far less than fiF- 
teen millions a year, as will apjHjar by the public documents. ■ In 
1782 Congress made an estimate for an army of 26,000 men. This 
estimate, which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions 
©f dollars. The individual States' expenses will be fownd not to have 
exceeded four millions a year, and Navy expenses were trifling. In 
1781 tlie expenses were about three millions more than in 1782.-*- 
Prices were about the same then as now. 



The following is 
from tlie adoption 
Treasury Reports : 



an abstract of the expenditures of the United States 
of the Constitution, to Oct. 1, 1812, taken from 



Trior to 


1792, 


$ 1,718.129 


1803, 


4,062,824 


In 


1793, 


1,766,677 


1804, 


4,052,858 




1793, 


1,707,84.8 


1805, 


6,357,234, 




1 794, 


3,5(0.348 


1806, 


6,080,209 




1795, 


4,350,596 


1 807, 


4,984,572 




1796, 


2,551,930 


1808, ■ 


6504,338 




1797, 


2,833,590 


1809, 


7,414,672 




1798, 


4,623,823 


1810, 


5.311,083 




1799, 


6,480, 1 6G 


1811, 


. 5,592 604 




1800, 


7,411.369 


9monthsofl812, . 


11,760,59? 




1801 


4,981 669 
3,737,079 








A U vf 1 f 

1802, 




$ 108,102,221 



JVo<e... These expenditures do not include the interest and principal 
6i the public debt. 

Never after the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures of 
the United States amount to seven millions and a half in any year. 

In 1781 Comwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 26,000 
British troops were sent into the four Southern States in less than two 
years in 1780 and 1781. The United States were obliged to keep up 
large forces in the Middle and Northern States ; and the militia drafts 
were often made in those two years. — During the long period from 
March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of 
the United States were but ^ 44,066,745 65 including Indian wars, 
war with France, and with the Barbary powers, the Pennsylvania in- 
surrection, and several millions expended in the present war before 
October, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars a year. 
And the Navy expenditures during the same long period were but 
^ 29,889,660 78. About one million and a quarter a year. 

Further, An examination of the public documents will shew, that the 
fcight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 205,000,000 
of specie dollars. More than half that sum was expended in the three 
first years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and 
British armies most numerous ; a period in which we withstood tire 
ibrces of the enemy alone, in a manner so honourahlc to our arm?. 

5 



34 

SCHEDULE (F.) 

• Tills Schecluhe brings into one view the great less of revenue ctca- 
jjioned by tbe Restrictive System, and the enormous v,'aste of public 
anonies in the two first years of this war ; the particulars whereof are 
stated in the preceding Schedules. 

1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason 
of restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half be- 
fore the war was declared or commenced, as in schedule (', ^27,000,000 
. _ 2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to tlie amount 
of ^60,367,916, at least, were incurred in this war be- 
fore July 1, 1814 ; whereas, on any scale of expenses 
of any v^ars, ever carried on in this countiy heretofore, the 
war expenses from Jan, 1312, to July 1, 1814, ought not 
to have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could equal 
that sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and im- • '\ 
provident expenditure ,of public monies, in the war and 
navy departments, in this short period, of more than 33 
millions of dollars, - 33,000,000 

Revenue and public monies lost by foolish restrictions, ■ 

and in a profligate management of the war, - - ^60,000,000 

Schedule E, also, shews how moderate our military expenses were 
prior to the present war. 

JVote....'Had this large sura been saved, as it might have .been, with 
perfect ease by a wise and economical administratiop, the credit ot 
tlie United States, at this moment, would have been unimpaired ; and 
tlie very heavy direct and internal taxes now laid on the people to sup- 
ply the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might have been avoided. 

In fact, examine the expenditures of all former wars in this country, 
the force brought against it in the two first years of this war, and every 
cause of necessary expenditure, and it will appear, that not so much a:* 
27 millions ouglit to have been expended in the military and naval 
dcpartraents in the period in question. 



35 



SCHEDULE (Q.) 

Shewing ai.e amoniitsof (ho several Internal Duties, d iilincliy, Umt Iiave 
nncriud <or t.'ie two first qiwilers of tlio vc;ir 1314. Asoorlained to 
have lieeii received in <:;uli Slate and Tenilory of llie L'nited States, 




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CROSS TOT A L-Colls. 2,212,491 73| 



36 



\ 



SCHEDULE (H.) 

This shews the great increase of the commerce of tlie IJniW 
Slates, under federal administrations when it was free. Aso its grea* 
diminution under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The compara- 
tive exports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of 
exports, as articles domestic or foreign, as productions of the forest, o( 
agriculture, of the sea, &c, 

1. The exports of the United States every fifth year, to wit — 



1791, $ 17,571,551 45 

1796, 67,064,097 00 

1801, 93,020,513 00 

1806, 103,787,000 00 

1811, 61,317,833 00 

Exports of the United States four 
years next preceding the long 
embargo, vi2. 

1804, ^77,701,597 

1805, 96,566,021 

1806, as above, 103,787,000 
IdQl, 108,343,358 



JVo<e....Thus the exports, whea 
commerce was free, increased near- 
ly 6 fold in 15 years, and under 
restrictions diminished about one 
half as stated below. 

Exports of the United States four 
years under restrictions, and 
one year in war, viz, 

1808, Domestic Arts ^8,417,00i 
Foreign, do. 

1809, Domestic do. 28,841,000 
Foreign, do. 

1810, Domes. & For. 67,895,597 

1811, do. do. 61,317,833 
1813, Domestic. Arts. 25,008,151? 

Fereign do.. 2,847,84^ 



37 




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3. "The kind of exports from the United States, as articies domestic 
or foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of the sea, &.c. 



Prod. of the. forest, 
of the se.1, 



Year 1804 
4,-600,000 
3,420,000 



of agriculture, 50,890,000 



ofmanufadt. 
Miscellaneous, 



2,100,000 
430,000 



41,440,000 
•roreign articles, - ;36,231,597 



Year 1805.1 
5,2G1,000J 
2,884,000: 

31,552,000| 

2,525,00o! 

I55,000i 



Year 1806 
4,861,000 
3,116,000 
32,375,000 
2,707,000 
445,000 



42,387,000 43,504,000] 48,700,000 
53, 170,021 1 60,283,000 59,643,578 

108,343.558 



Year 1807. 
5,476,000 
2,804,009 

37,832,000 

2,120,000 

468,000 



(77v671, 597195,566,02 l;i 03,787,000 



This sta'teinent shews that about three fourths of the domestic exports 
«xf the United States are the produce of agriculture, and for four years 
-prior to the embargo, exceeded on an average, 33 millions a year. It 
will readily be Feen what great losses there must have been in re- 
gard t<i these articles, when the regnlar exportation of them has been, 
capricioasly interrupted for 7 years past, by embargoes, restrictions 
p.nd -war, the saine as to the produce of the forest, and, that of the sea ; 
the latter amounting, on afi average, for four years next before the em- 
bargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year, lias been by restrictions 
•and war, wholly destroyed — And the shipping employed, formerly in 
acquiring thene productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, 
jind tiie seamen engaged in this branch of business, very iinportant, in 
a public view, are scattered and gone. 

Tiie domestic articles in the tour vears next before the restrictive 
F^'Stem, Were .5D miiiionsmorc, thaft the satne articles exported itJ the 
■feur year.; under it, and bcigse tlie wah 



NOTE.— Page 9. 

Kxtjact iVoiu rirpoit of the Sccrfctary of tljc Xivv, ilatcJ Novembw 

15, 1811. 

There is anotlier branch of the service which appears to me fo merit 
tlic seriuiis flellLeration ofthe legislature, with rc'rard to the establishniei.l 
of some regular system, by which the voluntary ciih^tmcnts for the navy 
may derive occasioaal reinforcomeiit from the ffcrvices of lliose seamen, 
who, pursuing their own private occupations, aieexenipt, by tlieir iiiner- 
ant iiubits, from public service of any kind. In my view there would 
be ncthiiiff incompatible with the tiee spirit of our institutions, or vvitij 
tlie lights of individuals, if registers, with a particular desciiptive record, 
were kept in the several districts, of al! the seamen belons^ins; to the 
United States, and provision made by law for classing and calling into the 
public service, in succession, for reasonable staled periods, such portions 
or classes, ast!ie public service might require, and if any individual, so 
called, should be absent at the time, the next in snecessiou should perform 
the tour of duty of the absentee, who should, on his retuni, be liable to 
serv,-his original toui-, and his substitute be exempt from his sueceedhis 
regular tour of duty. 

NOTE.-Fage 11. 

It appears from the following extract frofn aspeec'5 of Mr. iVIadison, in 
the Debates of ihe Virginia Convenlioi), that he had a prophetic view of 
circumstances which would induce a majority of States to scpport Vir- 
ginia against the carrj/j/J^ Slates. See also the speeches of Ytv. Kiclio- 
liis in that Convention, and the essays in tlie Federalist, written by Mr. 
Madison. 

Extract from debates in Virginia Convention,— Richmond Ed. p. 221. 

1 will not sit down till I make one more observation on ivhat fell fiorn 
my honourable friend. He says, tijat the true difference between the 
slates lies in this circumstance — that some are carrying states, ar.d oth- 
ers productive, and that the operation of the new government will be, 
that there will be a plurality of the foriser to combine against the in- 
terest of the latter, and that consequently it will be dangerous to put it 
in their power to do so. I would join uith him in sentiments, if this 
were the case. Were this .within the bounds of probability, 1 should be 
equally alarmed, but I think that those States which are contradistin- 
guished as carrying states, from the non-importing slates, will be but 
few. I suppose" the southern states will he considered by all, as under 
Ihe latter description, ooine other states have been mentioned by an 
honourable member on the same side, which are not considered r.s carrying 
states. New-Jersey and Connecticut can by I'.o means be einnncratcd 
among the carrjing states. 'J'hey leceive their :-iippiies throngi; New- 
York. Here then is a plurality of non-i:nporling states. I could add 
another if necessary. Delaware, tl.-ousrh biiuated upon the water, is np' 
on the list of ncn-carryi!:£; states. I might say that a great part of New- 
Hampshire is so. 1 believe a majority ofthe people of that State receive 
their supplies from Massachusetts, "Ui^ode-Island and Conriecticiit— 
Might I not add all those states which will be admitted iiereafler inta 
the union ? These will be non-can jing states and will supjsort Virgir.ii 
mac*ethe cnrrvmg states wlH anownt lo erxbiiir. agai-ist the :r>>i. 









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